Plutarch's Lives, Volume 3 · Plutarch
LIFE OF CATO.
XLVII. Now when Scipio and Hypsæus and Milo[730] were candidates for the consulship, and were employing not merely those wrongful ways that were now familiar and had become usual in matters political, the giving of gifts and bribery, but were plainly pushing on through arms and slaughter to civil war, in their daring and madness, and some persons were urging Pompeius to preside over the comitia, Cato at first opposed this and said, that the laws should not owe their maintenance to Pompeius, but that Pompeius should owe his security to the laws. However, when there had been an anarchy for some time, and three armies were occupying the Forum daily, and the mischief had well nigh become past checking, he determined in favour of putting affairs in the hands of Pompeius before the extreme necessity arrived, by the voluntary favour of the Senate, and by employing the most moderate of unconstitutional means as a healing measure for the settlement of what was most important, to bring on the monarchy rather than to let the civil dissensions result in a monarchy. Accordingly Bibulus, who was a friend of Cato, proposed that they ought to elect Pompeius sole consul, for that either matters would be put into a good condition by his settlement of them, or that the state would be enslaved by the best man in it. Cato rose and spoke in favour of the proposal, which nobody could have expected, and recommended any government as better than no government; and he added, that he expected that Pompeius would manage present affairs best, and would protect the state with which he was intrusted.
XLVIII. Pompeius[731] being thus declared consul prayed Cato to come to him to the suburbs: and on his arrival Pompeius received him in a friendly manner with salutations and pressing of hands, and after acknowledging his obligations he entreated Cato to be his adviser and his assessor in the consulship. But Cato replied, that neither had he said what he first said out of evil disposition towards Pompeius, nor had he said what he last said in order to win his favour, but everything for the interest of the state; accordingly he observed that he would give Pompeius his advice when he was privately invited, but that in public, even if he should not be invited, he would certainly say what he thought. And he did as he said. In the first place, when Pompeius was proposing laws with new penalties and severe proceedings against those who had already bribed the people, Cato advised him not to care about the past, but to attend to the future, for he said, it was not easy to determine at what point the inquiry into past offences should stop, and if penalties be imposed after the offences, those would be hardly dealt with who were punished by a law which they were not breaking at the time of their wrong-doing.
In the next place, when many men of rank were under trial, some of whom were friends and relations of Pompeius, Cato observing that Pompeius was giving way to the greater part of them and yielding, rebuked him firmly and roused him up. Though Pompeius himself had caused a law to be passed which did not allow the panegyrics which used to be pronounced on those who were under trial, he wrote a panegyric on Munatius Plancus[732] on the occasion of his trial and handed it in, but Cato by stopping his ears with his hands, for he happened to be one of the judices, prevented the testimonial from being read. Plancus challenged Cato as one of the judices after the speeches, but nevertheless he was convicted. And altogether Cato was a kind of thing difficult and unmanageable for persons accused, as they were neither willing to have him to be a judex, nor could they venture to challenge him. For not a few were convicted because, by being unwilling to have Cato for one of their judices, they were considered to show that they had no confidence in the justice of their cause; and their revilers even charged it upon some as matter of great reproach that they would not have Cato as one of their judices when he was proposed.
XLIX. Now when Cæsar, though he kept close to his armies in Gaul and stuck to arms, was still employing gifts and money and friends to secure his power in the city, Cato's admonitions roused Pompeius from his former long continued state of incredulity, and he began to be afraid of the danger; but as he was somewhat hesitating and spiritlessly procrastinating all attempts at prevention, Cato resolved to be a candidate for the consulship with the view of either forthwith wresting Cæsar's arms from him or demonstrating his designs. But the rival candidates were both popular men: and Sulpicius[733] had already derived much advantage from Cato's reputation in the state and his influence. He therefore seemed to be doing what was neither just nor grateful, but yet Cato found no fault with him. "What is it strange," said he, "if a man does not give up to another the thing which he thinks to be the greatest of goods?" But Cato by persuading the Senate to pass a Consultum that those who were candidates for the office should canvass the people themselves, and should not solicit through any other person, not even by such person going about to see the citizens on their behalf, still more irritated the citizens, in that by depriving them not only of the opportunity of receiving money, but even of conferring a favour, he rendered the people at once poor and dishonoured. In addition to this, as Cato had neither any persuasive manners in canvassing for himself, but wished to maintain the dignity of his life in his character rather than to add to it that of the consulship by shaking hands with the electors, and as he would not allow his friends to do the things by which the mass are taken and gained over, he lost the office.
L. Though the matter caused not only to those who failed, but to their friends and kin a certain degree of shame and depression and sorrow for many days, Cato bore what had happened with so little concern, that after anointing himself in the Campus he exercised at ball, and again after dinner, according to his wont, he went down into the Forum without his shoes and tunic, and walked about with his intimates. But Cicero blames him, that when the times required such a magistrate, he used no exertion nor tried to gain the favour of the people by friendly intercourse with them, but for the future ceased to make any effort and gave up the contest, though he was again a candidate for the prætorship. Cato, however, said, that he lost the prætorship not by the real will of the majority, but because they were forced or corrupted; whereas in the voting for the consulship, in which there was no foul play, he further perceived that he had displeased the people by his manners, which it was not the part of a man of sense to change in order to please others, nor, if he still kept to the like manners, to subject himself to the like treatment.
LI. When Cæsar had attacked warlike nations and had conquered them with great hazard, and when it was the opinion that he had fallen upon the Germans even after a truce had been made, and had destroyed three hundred thousand[734] of them, the rest indeed were promising to the people to offer sacrifices for the victory, but Cato urged that they should give up Cæsar to those who had been wronged, and should not turn the guilt upon themselves nor allow it to fall on the state. "However," said he, "let us still sacrifice to the gods, that they do not turn their vengeance for the madness and desperation of the commander upon the soldiers, and that they spare the city." Upon this Cæsar wrote and sent a letter to the Senate; and when the letter had been read, which contained much abuse of Cato and many charges against him, Cato got up, and not under the influence of passion or personal animosity, but as if it were on good consideration and due preparation, showed that the charges against him were in the nature of abuse and insult, and were pure trifling and mockery on Cæsar's part.
Then taking hold of all Cæsar's measures from the first, and unveiling all his plans, not as if he were an enemy, but a fellow conspirator and participator, he proved to them that they had no reason to fear the sons of the Britons nor yet the Celts, but Cæsar himself, if they were prudent; and he so worked on and excited them that the friends of Cæsar repented of having read the letter in the Senate, and so given Cato an opportunity of making a fair statement and true charges. Nothing, however, was done, but it was merely said that it would be well for a successor to Cæsar to be appointed. But when Cæsar's friends required that Pompeius also should lay down his arms and give up his provinces, or that Cæsar should not, Cato cried out, that now what he foretold them had come to pass, and that the man was having recourse to force and was openly employing the power which he had got by deceiving and gulling the state; yet Cato could do nothing out of doors, because the people all along wished Cæsar to have the chief power, and he found the Senate ready to assent to his measures, but afraid of the people.
"First then what can't be said, for of this kind I deem thy so call'd cowardice, O Hercules." For to accuse Cato of filthy lucre is like upbraiding Hercules with cowardice. But whether the matter of the marriage was not well in other respects is a thing for inquiry. However, Cato did espouse Marcia, and intrusting to her his family and daughters, hurried after Pompeius. LIII. From that day it is said that Cato never cut the hair of his head or beard, nor put on a chaplet, but maintained till his death the same outward signs of sorrow and depression of spirits and grief over the misfortunes of his country, just the same when his party was victorious and when it was vanquished. At that time having got by lot Sicily as his province, he crossed over to Syracuse, and on hearing that Asinius Pollio[739] had arrived from the enemy with a large force at Messene, he sent to him to demand the reason of his coming. But Cato in turn being asked for the reason of the change in affairs, and having heard that Pompeius had completely deserted Italy and was encamped in Dyrrachium, he said that there was great perplexity and uncertainty in matters appertaining to the gods. Pompeius, who had always been invincible while he was doing what was not honest or just, now when he wished to save his country and fight in defence of liberty, was deserted by his good fortune. As to Asinius, he said that he was able to drive him out of Sicily, but as another greater force was coming against him, he did not choose to ruin the island by a war; and after advising the Syracusans to join the victorious party and to take care of themselves, he sailed away. When he came to Pompeius, he kept steadily to one opinion, to prolong the war, for he expected some terms of reconciliation and did not wish that the state should be worsted in a battle and suffer from itself the extreme of sufferings by having its fate determined by the sword. And he persuaded Pompeius and his council to other determinations akin to these, neither to plunder any city that was subject to the Romans, nor to put to death any Roman except on the field of battle; and he gained good opinion and brought over many to the side of Pompeius, who were pleased with his moderation and mildness.
LIV. Being sent to Asia to help those there who were collecting vessels and an army, he took with him his sister Servilia and her young child by Lucullus. For Servilia, who was now a widow, followed Cato, and she removed much of the evil report about her licentious conduct by voluntarily subjecting herself to the guardianship of Cato and his wanderings and mode of life. But Cæsar[740] did not spare his abuse of Cato even with respect to Servilia. However as it seems the generals of Pompeius did not want the assistance of Cato at all; and after persuading the Rhodians to join the side of Pompeius and leaving Servilia and the child there, he returned to Pompeius, who had already a splendid military force and a naval power with him. Here indeed Pompeius appeared most clearly to show his mind; for at first he intended to give to Cato the command of the ships, and the fighting vessels were not fewer than five hundred, and the Liburnian and spy ships and open boats were very numerous: but having soon perceived, or it having been hinted to him by his friends, that it was the one chief thing in all the policy of Cato to liberate his country, and that if he should have the command of so great a force, the very day on which they should defeat Cæsar, Cato would require Pompeius also to lay down his arms and to follow the laws, he changed his mind though he had already spoken with him, and he appointed Bibulus commander of the ships.
Yet he found not Cato's zeal dulled by this; for it is told that when Pompeius was urging his troops to a battle before Dyrrachium and bidding each of the commanders say something and to encourage the men, the soldiers heard them with listlessness and silence; but when Cato, after the rest, had gone through all the topics derived from philosophy that were suitable to the occasion to be said about liberty and virtue, and death and good fame, with great emotion on his part, and finally addressed himself to invoke the gods as being there present and watching over the struggle on behalf of their country, there was so loud an acclamation and so great a movement in the whole army thus excited, that all the commanders hastened to the contest full of hopes. The soldiers of Pompeius routed and defeated the enemy, but the dæmon of Cæsar prevented the completion of the victory by taking advantage of the caution of Pompeius and his want of confidence in his success. Now this is told in the Life of Pompeius.[741] But while all were rejoicing and magnifying the victory, Cato wept for his country and bewailed the love of power that brought destruction and misfortune with it, when he saw that many brave citizens had fallen by the hands of one another.
LV. When Pompeius in order to pursue Cæsar broke up his camp to march into Thessaly, he left at Dyrrachium a great quantity of arms and stores, and many kinsmen and friends, and he appointed Cato commander and guardian over all with fifteen cohorts, both because he trusted and feared the man. For if he were defeated, he considered that Cato would be his surest support; but that if he were victorious, Cato would not, if he were present, let him manage matters as he chose. Many men of rank also were left behind in Dyrrachium with Cato. When the defeat at Pharsalus took place, Cato resolved that if Pompeius were dead, he would take over to Italy those who were with him, and himself would live an exile as far from the tyranny as possible; but if Pompeius were alive, that he would by all means keep together the force for him. Accordingly having crossed over to Cercyra, where the navy was, he proposed to give up the command to Cicero, who was a consular, while he was only of prætorian rank; but when Cicero would not accept the command and set off for Italy, Cato observing that Pompeius[742] through his stubborn self-will and unreasonable temper was desirous of punishing those who were sailing away, privately admonished and pacified him, by which Cato manifestly saved Cicero from death and secured the safety of the rest.
LVI. Conjecturing that Pompeius Magnus would make his escape to Egypt or to Libya, and being in haste to join him, Cato with all whom he had about him weighed anchor and set sail after permitting all those to go away or stay behind who were not ready to accompany him. He reached Libya, and coasting along he fell in with Sextus,[743] the younger son of Pompeius, who reported to him his father's death in Egypt. Now they were all much troubled, and no one after the death of Pompeius would obey any other commander while Cato was present. Wherefore Cato, out of respect to those who were with him, and because he had not heart to desert and leave in difficulties the brave men who had given proof of their fidelity, undertook the command and went along the coast till he came to Cyrene; for the people received him though a few days before they had shut out Labienus. Upon hearing that Scipio, the father-in-law of Pompeius, had been well received by King Juba, and that Varus Attius, who had been appointed governor of Libya by Pompeius, was with them with a force, he set out by land in the winter season, having got together a number of asses to carry water, and driving along with him a quantity of cattle, and also taking chariots and the people called Psylli,[744] who cure the bites of serpents by sucking out the poison with their mouths, and deaden and soothe the serpents themselves by charming them with music. Though the march was seven days in succession, Cato led at the head of his men without using horse or beast of burden. And he continued to sup in a sitting posture from the day that he heard of the defeat at Pharsalus, and he added this further sign of his sorrow, never to lie down except when he was sleeping. Having spent the winter in Libya[745] he led forth his army; and the men were near ten thousand.
LVII. Matters were in bad plight between Scipio and Varus, for in consequence of their disagreement and disunion they were secretly trying to win the favour of Juba,[746] who was intolerable for the arrogance of his temper and his haughtiness by reason of his wealth and power. When he was going to have his first interview with Cato, Juba placed his seat between the seats of Scipio and Cato. However, when Cato observed it, he took up his seat and moved it to the other side so as to leave Scipio in the middle, though Scipio was his enemy, and had published a certain writing which contained abuse of Cato. This, indeed, people make no account of; but they blame Cato that in Sicily he placed Philostratus[747] in the middle, as he was walking about with him, to do honour to philosophy. On this occasion, however, he checked Juba, who had all but made Scipio and Varus his satraps, and he reconciled them. Though all invited Cato to the command, and Scipio and Varus were the first to surrender and give it up to him, he said that he would not break the laws in defence of which they were fighting against him who broke them, nor would he place himself, who was a proprætor, before a proconsul who was present. For Scipio had been appointed proconsul, and the majority, on account of the name, had confidence that they should be successful, if a Scipio commanded in Libya.
LVIII. However when Scipio[748] immediately on receiving the command, wished to please Juba by putting to death all the people of Utica who were capable of bearing arms, and to dig down the city, because it favoured Cæsar, Cato would not endure this, but with adjurations and loud cries in the council and by appealing to the gods he with difficulty rescued the people from their cruelty; and partly at the request of the citizens of Utica[749] and partly at the instance of Scipio, he undertook to keep guard in the city, that it should not either involuntarily or voluntarily join Cæsar. For the place was in all respects advantageous, and defensible by those who held it; and it was strengthened still more by Cato. For he brought abundance of corn into the city, and he strengthened the walls by raising towers, and making strong ditches and palisado-work in front of the city. To the people of Utica who were able to bear arms he assigned the palisado-work as their quarter, and made them give up their arms to him; but he kept the rest in the city, and took great care that they should not be wronged and should suffer no harm from the Romans.
He also sent out a great quantity of arms, supplies and grain to those in camp, and altogether he made the city the storehouse for the war. But the advice which he gave Pompeius before, and gave Scipio then, not to fight with a man of a warlike turn and great ability, but to take advantage of time which wastes all the vigour wherein the strength of tyranny lies, Scipio through self-will despised; and on one occasion he wrote to Cato upbraiding him with cowardice, in that he was not content to sit down within a city and walls, but would not even let others boldly use their own judgment as opportunity offered. To this Cato replied, that he was ready to take the legionary soldiers and horsemen whom he had brought into Libya, and carry them over to Italy, and so make Cæsar change his place and to turn him from them to himself. And when Scipio mocked at this also, it was clear that Cato was much annoyed that he had declined the command, for he saw that Scipio would neither conduct the war well, nor, if he should succeed contrary to expectation, would he behave with moderation to the citizens in his victory.
Accordingly Cato formed the opinion and mentioned it to some of his friends, that he had no good hopes of the war on account of the inexperience and confidence of the commanders, but if there should be any good fortune, and Cæsar should be worsted, he would not stay in Rome, and would fly from the harshness and cruelty of Scipio, who was even then uttering dreadful and extravagant threats against many. But it turned out worse than he expected; and late in the evening there arrived a messenger from the camp who had been three days on the road, with the news that a great battle had been fought at Thapsus[750] in which their affairs were entirely ruined, that Cæsar was in possession of the camps, Scipio and Juba had escaped with a few men, and the rest of the army was destroyed.
LIX. On the arrival of this intelligence, the city, as was natural on the receipt of such news by night and in time of war, nearly lost its reason, and hardly contained itself within the walls; but Cato coming forward, whenever he met with any one running about and calling out, laid hold of him, and cheering him took away the excessive fright and confusion of his alarm, by saying that matters perchance were not so bad as they had been reported, but were magnified by rumour; and so he stayed the tumult. At daybreak he made proclamation that the three hundred, whom he had as a Senate, and these were Romans, and were carrying on business in Libya as merchants and money-lenders, should assemble at the temple of Jupiter, and also all the Roman senators who were present and their sons. While they were still assembling, Cato advanced, without hurry and with a tranquil countenance, as if nothing new had happened, holding a book in his hand, which he was reading; and this was a register of the military engines, arms, corn, bows, and legionary soldiers.
Text from Project Gutenberg, public domain in the United States.