Miscellanea Curiosa, Vol. 3 · Royal Society
FOOTNOTES:
_October_ the 14th. The next Morning, about ten a Clock, we were told that the King was gone to the Entertainment, and expected we should follow him; and that two young Camels were kill'd, to furnish this sumptuous Feast; which is the highest piece of Magnificence and Greatness to which these People, whose greatest Riches consist in Camels, can arrive. The Tent was about a Furlong from ours; so mounting our Horses, we rode to it, and found it surrounded with a numerous train of Guests, three hundred at least, of different Sort and Quality: It was very large of it self, and to be still more capacious, 'twas left open toward the West. The King was seated at the North-end, about the midst of the Tent, upon a Place raised with Cushions and Quilts, and Carpets before him: Neither did he sit cross-Legg'd, as all the rest of the Company were obliged to do, but in a leaning Posture. They seemed to observe an exact Order in their Places; and when any Person of Note enter'd, those that were near his Place, rose up and stood till he had seated himself.
But the far greatest part could not come within the compass of the Ring, but stood behind the Backs of the rest, leaving a spacious _Area_ vacant in the middle. When we entred, they made room for us on the King's left Hand, which here is esteem'd the more Honourable; where we sat down in the same Posture with those about us, cross-Legg'd upon a thin Carpet. Before mid-day, a Carpet being spread in the middle of the Tent, our Dinner was brought in, being served up in large Wooden Bowls between two Men; and truly to my apprehension, Load enough for them. Of these great Platters there were about fifty or sixty in number, perhaps more, with a great many little ones, I mean, such as one Man was able to bring in, strewed here and there among them, and placed for a Border or Garnish round about the Table.
In the middle of all was one of a larger size than all the rest, in which was the Camel's Bones, and a thin Broth in which they were boiled: The other greater ones seemed all filled with one and the same sort of Provision, a kind of Plumb-Broth, made of Rice, and the fleshy part of the Camel, with Currants and Spices, being of something a darker Colour than what is made in our Country. The lesser were, for the the most part, charged with Rice dress'd after several Modes, some of them having _Leben_, (a thick sour Milk) poured upon them. _Leben_ is a thing in mighty Esteem in these Hot Countries, being very useful to quench Thirst: And truly we had need of it here; for I did not see a drop of any sort of Liquor, excepting a Dish of Coffee before Dinner, drank at this splendid Feast. Knives, Forks, Spoons, Trenchers, _&c._ are silly Impertinent Things in the Esteem of the _Arabs_: However, we being known to make use of such things, had large Wooden Spoons laid before us.
When the Table was thus plentifully furnish'd, the King arising from his Seat, went and sat down to that Dish that was directly before him; and so did the rest, as many as it would contain, which could not be much short of a hundred; and so without further Ceremony, they fell to thrusting their Hands into the Dishes, and Eating by Handfuls: Neither was there any occasion of Carving; only because those Dishes in the middle were too remote to be reach'd, there was an Officer on purpose, who stepping in among them, and standing in the Spaces designedly left for that end, with a long Ladle in both his Hands, helpt any one according to their Desire. When the King had eaten what he thought fit, he rose up and wash'd, and retir'd back to his former Seat; and we also did the like; others being ready to fill our Places. Nor did we continue much longer under the Tent in that numerous Crowd; for _Assyne_ perceiving us a little uneasie, and supposing we had now sufficiently satisfy'd our Curiosity, though perhaps not our Appetites, told us we might take our Liberty, and if we thought fit retire to our Tents. This Favour we gladly accepted, and without Ceremony returned, several of his Attendants waiting upon us back.
Here we had another Dinner set before us; and having some of our own Wine and Water to Drink with it, it went down better with us than the famous Camel-Feast. In the Evening, the King mounted to see the flight of a new Hawk, and stay'd Abroad very late, his Hawk flying away: But she was afterwards taken up by his Falconer; otherwise he had not been in a good Humour all that Night, being a Man that delights very much in Sport. After his return from Hawking, we went to Wait upon him at his own Tent, to return him Thanks for his most courteous and royal Reception of us, and to desire leave to depart the next Morning. Here we found him surrounded with the chiefest of his People; and being placed again on his left Hand, he entertain'd us with a great deal of pleasant Discourse; and ask'd such Questions, as shew'd him to be a Man of extraordinary Capacity and Judgment. As for Learning, they have no such thing among them, and therefore it's not to be expected that he should be a Scholar: But were he not a Person of more than common Prudence and Understanding, he could never have managed that Wild and Unruly People as he has done, ever since his Advancement to the Throne; which must therefore have been the more difficult, because as he came to it by the Deposition of his Father (though not immediately) who now lives with him as a private Man, so has he never wanted Competitors. To his Father he pays a great deal of outward Respect, but is forced to keep a very watchful Eye over him. After about an Hours Discourse, we were dismiss'd.
_October_ the 15th. In the Morning, _Assyne_ not being at leisure to go a Hunting, we proceeded on our Voyage Homewards, with a great deal of Alacrity; and finding nothing remarkable in our Road, in about 3 Hours and an half arrived at _Seray_. And hence, after a short Repast, we continued our Journey to _Sherby_ Fountain, which took us up about the like space of Time. Here we accounted our selves as good as at Home, being at a Place with which we were well acquainted, and to which several times in the Year some or other of our Nation usually resort, either for Antelope or Hog-hunting, according to their Season; nor had we hence above seven or eight Hours to _Aleppo_. _October_ the 16th. Getting up pretty early in the Morning, we resolved to Hunt the greatest part of our Way Home, as we did; and Dining at the famous _Round-Hill_, whereon has been spent by the _English_ more Money than would purchase a noble Estate round about it, in the Afternoon we arrived safe at _Aleppo_. _Some Account of the Ancient State of the City of _Palmyra_, with short Remarks upon the Inscriptions found there. By _E. Halley_._
The City of _Tadmor_, whose Remains in Ruins do with so much evidence demonstrate the once happy Condition thereof, seems very well to be proved to be the same City which _Solomon_ the great King of _Israel_ is said to have founded under that Name in the _Desart_, both in 1 _Kings_ 9. 18. and 2 _Chron._ 8. 16. in the Translation of which, the _Vulgar Latin Version_, said to be that of St. _Jerom_, has it, _Condidit Palmyram in Deserto_. And _Josephus_ (in _lib._ 8. _Antiq. Jud._ wherein he treats of _Solomon_ and his Acts) tell us, that he Built a City in the Desart, and called it _Thadamora_; and the _Syrians_ at this Day (says he) call it by the same Name; but the _Greeks_ name it _Palmyra_. The Name is therefore Greek, and consequently has no relation to the Latin _Palma_, and seems rather derived from Παλμυός or Πάλμυς, which _Hesychius_ Interprets βασιλεὺς πατὴρ: or perhaps from Παλμύτης, which (according to the same Author) was an _Egyptian_ God. Neither is the Word תרמר but תמר that in Hebrew signifies a _Palm-Tree_.
History is silent as to the Fate and Circumstances of this City, during the great Revolutions in the several Empires of the East; but it may well be supposed, that so advanced a Garrison as this was, being above three hundred Miles from _Jerusalem_, continued not long in the Possession of the _Jews_, who immediately after _Solomon_, fell into Civil Dissention, and divided their Force: so that it is not to be doubted, but that it submitted to the _Babylonian_ and _Persian_ Monarchies, and afterwards to the _Macedonians_ under _Alexander_ and the _Seleucidæ_. But when the _Romans_ got footing into these Parts, and the _Parthians_ seemed to put a stop to their farther Conquests in the _East_, then was this City of _Palmyra_, by reason of its Situation, being a Frontier, and in the midst of a vast Sandy _Desart_, where Armies could not well subsist to reduce it by Force, courted and caressed by the contending Princes, and permitted to continue a Free State, a Mart or Staple for Trade, for the Convenience of both Empires, as is abundantly made out from the Words of _Appian_ and _Pliny_.
_Appian_ (_lib._ 5. _de Bellis Civil._) tells us, that _M. Antonius_, after his Victory at _Philippi_, about forty Years before _Christ_, sent his Horse to Plunder the City of _Palmyra_, pretending only that they were not sufficiently in the _Roman_ Interest. ὅτι Ρωμαίων καὶ Παρθυαίων ὄντες ἔφοροι ἐς ἑκατέρας ἐπιδεξίως εἶχον, and that being Merchants, they conveyed the _Indian_ and _Arabian_ Commodities by the way of _Persia_ into the _Roman_ Territories; though the true reason were their Riches: But the _Palmyrenes_ being informed of the Design, took care to prevent them, and so escaped Plunder: And this Attempt of _Antony_'s occasioned a Rupture between the two Empires. The Words of _Pliny_ (_lib._ 5. _Nat. Hist._) above an hundred Years after, do likewise testifie that this City then continued in the same Enjoyment of their Liberties. They being very much to the purpose, I thought fit to Copy them: _Palmyra Urbs nobilis situ, divitiis soli atque aquis amœnis, vasto undique ambitu arinis includit agros, ac velut terris exempta à rerum Natura; privata sorte inter duo imperia summa Romanorum Parthorumque, & prima in discordia semper utrinque cura_. Whereby it appears not only that it was a Common-wealth in the time of _Vespasian_; but the situation thereof is truly described, as it were an Island of fertile Land, surrounded with a Sea of barren Sands. Such Spots _Strabo_ tells us were frequent in _Lybia_, and by the _Egyptians_ were called _Abases_; whence possibly the Name of the _Abassyne_ Nation is derived.
With these Advantages of Freedom, Neutrality and Trade, for near two Centuries, 'tis not strange that it acquired the State and Wealth answerable to the Magnificence of these noble Structures. But when the _Romans_ under _Trajan_ had made it appear, that there was no comparison between the Puissance of the _Parthians_ and them, (_Trajan_ having taken _Babylon_ and _Ctesiphon_ the then Seat of the _Parthian_ Empire,) the _Palmyreni_ were at length determined to Declare for the _Romans_; which they did, by submitting themselves to the Emperor _Adrian_, about the Year of Christ 130, when _Adrian_ made his Progress through _Syria_ into _Egypt_. And that Magnificent Emperor being highly delighted with the native Strength and Situation of the Place, was pleased to adorn and rebuild it: When, as 'tis likely, he bestowed on it the Privileges of a Colony _Juris Italici_, which it enjoyed (as _Ulpian_ assures us.) And the Inhabitants of the City, in Gratitude, were willing to call themselves _Hadrianopolitæ_, ἐπικτισθείσης τῆς πόλεως ὑπὸ τοῦ Αὐτοκράτορος (says _Stephanus_.) Nor is it unlikely that many of those Marble Pillars were the Gift of that Emperor, and particularly those of the Long _Porticus_; for that none of the Inscriptions are before that Date. And it was usual for the _Cæsars_ to present Cities that had obliged them, with Marble Pillars to adorn their Publick Buildings. These here were not far to fetch, the Neighbouring Mountains affording _Marble-Quarries_: But the Magnitude of the _Porphyry_ Columns is indeed very remarkable, considering how far those vast Stones must have been brought by Land-carriage to this Place; it being not known that any other Quarries yield it, except those of _Egypt_, which lie about mid-way between _Cairo_ and _Siena_, between the _Nile_ and the _Red-Sea_: The Stone being very valuable for its Colour and Hardness, and so that it rises in Blocks of any magnitude required; _Quantislibet molibus cædendis sufficiunt Lapidicinæ_, (_Plin._ _lib._ 36.) And it is a great mistake of those who suppose it fictitious.
From the time of _Adrian_ to that of _Aurelian_, for about an hundred and forty Years, this City continued to flourish and encrease in Wealth and Power, to that degree, that when the Emperor _Valerian_ was taken Prisoner by _Sapores_ King of _Persia_, _Odænathus_ one of the Lords of this Town (which Name occurs in several of these Inscriptions) was able (whilst _Gallienus_ neglected his Duty both to his Father and Country) to bring a powerful Army into the Field, and to recover _Mesopotamia_ from the _Persians_, and to penetrate as far as their Capital City _Ctesiphon_. Thereby rendring so considerable Service to the _Roman_ State, that _Gallienus_ thought himself obliged to give him a share in the Empire: Of which Action, _Trebellius Pollio_ (in the Life of _Gallienus_) has these Words, _Laudatur ejus (Gallieni) optimum factum, qui, Odenatum participato Imperio Augustum vocavit, ejusque monetam, qua Persas captos traheret, cudi jussit: quod & Senatus & Urbs & omnis ætas gratanter accepit_. The same in many Places speaks of this _Odænathus_ with great Respect; and mentioning his Death, he says, _Iratum fuisse Deum Reip. credo, qui interfecto Valeriano noluit Odenatum reservare_. But by a strange reverse of Fortune, this Honour and Respect to _Odænathus_ occasioned the sudden Ruin and Subversion of the City.
For he and his Son _Herodes_ being murder'd by _Mæonius_ their Kinsman, and dying with the Title of _Augustus_, his Wife _Zenobia_, in Right of her Son _Waballathus_ then a Minor, pretended to take upon her the Government of the East, and did administer it to admiration: And when soon after _Gallienus_ was murder'd by his Soldiers, she grasped the Government of _Egypt_, and held it during the short Reign of the Emperor _Claudius Gothicus_. But _Aurelian_ coming to the Imperial Dignity, would not suffer the Title of _Augustus_ in this Family, tho' he was contented that they should hold under him as _Vice Cæsaris_; as plainly appears by the Latin Coins of _Aurelian_ on the one side, and _Waballathus_ (which Name is often found in these Inscriptions) on the other, with these Letters V. C. R. IM. OR., which _P. Harduin_ has most judiciously interpreted _Vice Cæsaris Rector Imperii Orientis_, but without the Title of _Cæsar_ or _Augustus_, and with a Laurel instead of a Diadem. But both _Waballathus_ and _Zenobia_ are stiled ΣΕΒΑΣΤΟΙ in the _Greek_ Coins, made, 'tis probable, within their own Jurisdiction. Two of the _Latin_ I have seen, and they are as described, excepting the Points.
But nothing less than a Participation of the Empire contenting _Zenobia_, and _Aurelian_ persisting not to have it dismembered: He marched against her, and having in two Battles routed her Forces, he shut her up and Besieged her in _Palmyra_: And the Besieged finding that the great resistance they made, availed not against that resolute Emperor, they yielded the Town; and _Zenobia_ flying with her Son, was pursued and taken: With which _Aurelian_ being contented, spared the City, and leaving a small Garrison, march'd for _Rome_ with this Captive Lady: But the Inhabitants believing he would not return, set up again for themselves, and (as _Vopiscus_ has it) slew the Garrison he had left in the Place. Which _Aurelian_ understanding, tho' by this time he was gotten into _Europe_, with his usual fierceness, speedily returned; and collecting a sufficient Army by the way, he again took the City without any great Opposition, and put it to the Sword, with an uncommon Cruelty, as he himself confesses in a Letter (extant in _Vopiscus_), and delivered them to the Pillage of his Soldiers. And it is observable, that none of the Greek Inscriptions are after the date of this Calamity, which befell the City in or about the Year of _Christ_ 272, as far as may be collected, after it had been nine or ten Years the Seat of the Empire of the East, not without Glory.
In this appears also the great utility of Coins to illustrate Matters of History; for by them alone 'tis made out, that there was such a Prince as _Waballathus_, _Vopiscus_ singly mentioning him by the Name of _Balbatus_. And from the same Coins it appears, that _Odænathus_ had the Title of _Augustus_ four Years, and _Waballathus_ six at least; and that the first Year of _Aurelian_ was the fourth of _Waballathus_. And by the Testimony of _Pollio_, _Odænathus_ was declared Emperor of the East, _Gallieno_ & _Saturnino Coss._ which was _Anno Christi_ 263, and died before _Gallienus_, but in the same Year, _viz._ _Anno_ 267, which, by the Coins, was the first of _Waballathus_. He therefore immediately succeeded _Odænathus_, and was without doubt his Eldest Son by _Zenobia_, and not his Grandson the Son of _Herodes_, as some learned Men have supposed: For if _Zenobia_ could not endure that _Herodes_ Son of _Odænathus_ by a former Wife, should succeed his Father in prejudice to her Children, and for that reason was consenting to his Murther (as _Pollio_ intimates in _Herodes_ and _Mæonius_,) much less would she endure the Title of _Augustus_ in the Son of _Herodes_, especially when her own Sons were, as 'tis probable, elder than such Grandson. So that 'tis most likely that _Herennianus_ and _Timolaus_, whom _Pollio_ reckons among his XXX Tyrants, might be the Younger Sons of _Zenobia_, on whom also, out of Motherly Affection, she might bestow the same Titles of Honour.
But it must be observed, that in the Greek Coins, this Prince's Name is usually written ΑΥΤ. ΕΡΜΙΑΣ ΟΥΑΒΑΛΛΑΘΟΣ ΑΘΗΝΟΥ (as _Tristan_ says he found it upon several Medals,) but _Patin_ has the last Word only ΑΘΗ. I should be glad to peruse some of these curious Coins, especially if found in or near _Palmyra_: but I am inclinable to believe that his true Name was _Æranes Waballathus_ (as was one of his Progenitors, in Inscription _Pag._ 91.) though perhaps the remoter Cities of _Asia_ and _Ionia_ might by mistake write it _Hermias_. And 'tis probable that ΑΘΗΝ might be for the first Letters of the Name of ΟΔΗΝΑΘΟΣ, which in Syriack begun with an _Aleph_; and the Δ was with those People used instead of Θ, as we see the Month _Xanthicus_, written Ξανδικὸς in many of these Inscriptions, which doubtless was pronounced like D _blæsum_ or the Saxon D.
Though this City were at that time so roughly treated by _Aurelian_, yet it is certain that he did not burn it, or destroy the Buildings thereof: And though _Zosimus_, on this occasion, uses the Words τὴν πόλιν κατασκάψας, yet that seems only to relate to his demolishing the Walls and Defences of the Place; and that Emperors own Letter extant in _Vopiscus_, doth sufficiently shew that he spared the City it self, and that he took care to re-instate the beautiful Temple of the _Sun_ that was there, which had been Plundered by his Soldiers. However, the Damage then sustained was never retrieved by the Inhabitants, and I do not find that ever this City made any figure in History after it: Yet the _Latin Inscription_, (Pag. 106.) seems to intimate, as if _Dioclesian_ had restored their Walls within thirty Years after. About the Year of Christ 400, it was the Head Quarters of the _Legio Prima Illyricorum_; and though _Stephanus_ gives it no better Title than φρούριον, yet it appears to have been an Archbishop's See, under the Metropolitan of _Damascus_. To say in what Age, or from what Hand it received its final Overthrow, which reduced it to the miserable Condition it now appears in, there is no light in any of our Historians; but it is probable it perish'd long since, in the obscure Ages of the World, during the Wars of the _Saracen_ Empire; and being burnt and desolated, it was never rebuilt; which occasions the Ruins to lie so entire, in a manner as they were left, neither being used to other Structures on the Place, nor worth carrying away, because of the great distance thereof from any other City.
As to the Geographical Site of _Palmyra_, _Ptolemy_ places it in the Latitude of _Tripoly_ on the Coast of _Syria_, and four Degrees more Easterly, _viz._ Παλμύρα. οα, ϛ′. λδ. and he makes it the Capital of sixteen Cities in _Syria Palmyrena_, whereof _Alalis_, _Danaba_ and _Evaria_ were afterwards _Bishops Sees_. _Pliny_ places it CCIII Miles from the nearest Coast of _Syria_, and CCCXXXVII from _Seleucia ad Tygrim_ near _Bagdat_, (which Numbers are erroneously Printed 252 and 537 in most Editions, contrary to the Authority of the MSS.) _Josephus_ places it one Days Journey from _Euphrates_, and six from _Babylon_; which must be understood of Horse-man's Journeys of about sixty Miles _per diem_, it being more than so much from this City to _Euphrates_. _Ptolemy_ also mentions a River running by _Palmyra_, which did not appear to our Travellers, unless that Gut or Channel wherein they were overflowed by the Rain-Waters, were the Bed thereof; which may, possibly, run with a constant Stream in the Winter or times of much Rain: But this (as the Rivers of _Aleppo_ and _Damascus_ at this Day) is made by _Ptolomy_ to have no _exit_; but to go off in _Vapour_, and to be imbibed by the thirsty Earth of these Desarts.
The _Æra_ or Accompt of Years observed by the _Palmyreni_ in these Inscriptions, is evidently that of _Seleucus_, call'd afterwards _Dhilcarnian_ or _Bicornis_ by the _Arabians_, and by them kept in use till above 900 Years of Christ (as appears by the Observations of _Albatani_, published in _Numb._ 204 of the _Philosoph. Transact._) and not that of the Death of _Alexander_. This may be demonstrated from the Inscription (_Pag. 101._) wherein _Alexander Severus_ is stiled ΘΕΟΣ; that is, after the Death and Consecration of that Emperor, or after the Year of our Lord 234; and from the Name of _Julius_, who, when this Inscription was put up, was _Præfectus Prætorio_, (and could be no other than _Julius Philippus Arabs_ who might be esteemed by the _Palmyreni_ as their Country-man,) it follows, that it was in the last Year of _Gordian_ _Anno Christi_ 242 or 243: And that Emperor being soon after Murder'd by the Treachery of this _Philip_, who succeeded him: And his Treason coming afterwards to light, 'tis not strange that his Name was purposely effaced in this Inscription. The Date thereof, _Anno_ 554, shews the beginning of this Accompt 311 or 312 Years before Christ, co-incident with the _Æra_ of _Seleucus_, which was likewise observed by several other Cities in the East. I shall not undertake the part of a Critick on these Inscriptions, but chuse rather to leave them to the more professedly skilful in that part of Learning, and shall only make some few Remarks on them, such as occurred whilst they pass'd through my Hands.
1. That the more ancient of these Inscriptions dated before the Year 500, do no where make use of _Roman Prænomina_, which yet are very frequent in them that follow; particularly _Julius_, _Aurelius_ and _Septimius_, taken up by these People out of Respect to the Emperors that bore those Names; and consequently that _Septimius Odænathus_ (the Inscription of whose Tomb we have, _pag. 91._) was most probably the same who was afterwards _Augustus_. That Name growing in use in the Reign of _Septimius Severus_, under whom or his Son _Caracalla_ this _Odænathus_ was certainly Born. And this Monument being erected by him whilst he was yet a private Man; and he afterwards attaining the Imperial Dignity, it was necessary the Inscription of his Tomb (which perhaps was that single one that was all of Marble) should be changed: Upon which occasion this Stone might be brought back into the Town, and after its Destruction, be clapt up casually over the little Gate-way where now it stands. 2. _Pag. 100._ ΚΑΤΕΛΘΟΝΤΕΣ ΕΙΣ ΟΛΟΓΕΣΙΑΔΑ ΕΝΠΟΡΟΙΑΝ ΕΣΤΗΣΑΝ: _Descendentes Vologesiada Commercium stabiliverunt, Anno_ 558, _sive Anno Christi_ 247. Whereby it appears, that this People having had their Trade interrupted by the Wars between the _Romans_ and the _Persians_, under _Gordian_; did now send an Embassy to the Court of _Sapores_ King of the _Persians_, to get it re-established; which succeeded according to their Desires. _Vologesias_ was a City built by _Vologeses_ King of the _Parthians_ in the time of _Nero_, on the _Euphrates_ below _Babylon_. _Ptolemy_ calls it Οὐολογεσιάς; _Stephanus_, Βολογεσιὰς; _Ammianus_ _Vologessia_; and _Pliny_ lib. 6. _Vologesocirta_.
Text from Project Gutenberg, public domain in the United States.